Above is an IFS graph that makes all that clear. (Click here to see it up close, but if you squint a bit at the general direction of the line you'll get the idea.)
In the short term, said Zaranko, "the MoD can use Treasury reserves to meet unexpected costs – that's what happened in Iraq and Afghanistan. But there's another question: has Russia made the world a more dangerous place?"
There is a way to increase defence spending at the same time as decreasing it (sort of)
Ben Wallace had a very busy day, and his demand for the need to boost the military budget have been what the Spectator called "increasingly indiscreet" in recent months. He did deny at a New Statesman event on Tuesday that he had asked for an increase in defence spending to 2.5% of GDP, but said that "he'd done what any secretary of state would have done" by asking for "a discussion" about more money. Then he made a speech to the Royal United Services Institute (RUSI) saying that the army is surviving on "a diet of smoke and mirrors", among other unsubtly disgruntled formulations.
According to the Telegraph, No 10 intervened to ask Wallace to remove a line saying that spending 2% of GDP on defence was outdated. But this story by Peter Walker and Dan Sabbagh quotes a senior government source saying that a manifesto commitment to a 0.5% increase in spending every year in this parliament was now subject to "a reality check". Johnson later seemed to fudge that by saying that the target would be met if inflation is measured over the long term, not annually. What's going on?
The first thing to know in trying to make sense of this is that most of that increased spending was distributed to the early years of this parliament. "They frontloaded the increases quite massively," said Zaranko. "So you have a very significant increase in the first and second year … then it was set to be broadly maintained. And now higher inflation means it will fall a bit." He also points out that the decrease has been slated for some time.
The government could make an additional longer term commitment – but it would be steep. Zaranko estimates that to hit Wallace's alleged 2.5% ask by 2028 from the current level of around 2%, you'd have to increase spending by about £10bn, or 9%, each year – a sum which it sounds like Boris Johnson and Rishi Sunak would be unwilling to entertain.
That money might not go as far as it sounds
In a recent IFS podcast, Malcolm Chalmers, Deputy Director-General of RUSI, said that if funding increases, "in the short term I think making the force we have more effective is going to be a strong priority."
That was echoed by a speech to that same RUSI conference yesterday by Chief of the General Staff General Sir Patrick Sanders in which he said that "deterring Russia means more of the Army ready more of the time." ("To put it bluntly, you can't cyber your way across a river," he added.)
But before any new investments, the military faces the same costs causing pain for everyone at the moment: inflation and energy. The military is "particularly exposed to things like aviation fuel, and it has lots of barracks to keep warm," said Zaranko. "Those are significant pressures. A far bigger one will be what happens to their pay bill."
The government would probably raise taxes to pay for it
At least for now, there's no likely scope for cuts to other government departments or borrowing. "In the medium term you might just spend less on other areas," said Zaranko – but he thinks that's unlikely when public services are creaking. "A more realistic outlook is that taxes would have to be higher."
Wallace, as a former soldier, noted that the so-called "peace dividend" from cutting the military has funded other spending for decades. Here's another IFS chart comparing health and defence budgets which makes that clear (again, click here if you want to see it in more detail):
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