Good morning. We're covering Biden's convention speech — as well as Gaza cease-fire talks, Ukraine's work force and Phil Donahue.
Biden's legacyPresident Biden has never exactly been a liberal Democrat or a conservative Democrat. He has instead stayed in his party's mainstream. When the party moved right in the 1990s, he moved with it. When it moved left in the 2010s, so did he. But Biden has not simply gone with the Democratic flow. Over his more than 50 years in politics, he has periodically shown strong opinions about how his party should change — and helped it do so. Last night in Chicago, Biden took a big step in his long political goodbye, delivering a 52-minute speech at the Democratic convention. In today's newsletter, I'll examine how Biden's presidency shaped his party — and consider whether Kamala Harris is likely to continue these shifts. I think three points are key. 1. Biden's neopopulismBiden has always understood the class resentments that many Americans feel. (If you haven't read Robert Draper's profile of Biden for The Times Magazine, I recommend it, including the section in which Biden analyzes George W. Bush.) Biden's political career began in 1972, when he defeated an incumbent Republican senator in Delaware even as Richard Nixon won a landslide. Biden ran as a subtly different kind of Democrat, with a more working-class image than the party's presidential nominee that year, George McGovern. Biden simultaneously distanced himself from the liberal fervor of the 1960s and portrayed himself as an economic populist. He criticized both draft dodgers and "millionaires who don't pay any taxes at all." Five decades later, Biden became the most populist Democratic president in modern times. This positioning wasn't just about his background, either. Populism has recently gained a new appeal, thanks to the failure of the market-based economic policies of the past half-century — which are often known as neoliberalism — to deliver broad-based prosperity. Instead of focusing on trade deals, Biden tried to build up American manufacturing. He joined a picket line with autoworkers and appointed labor-friendly regulators. He gave Medicare the power to negotiate drug prices. He cracked down on "junk fees." He tried to end decades of gentle antitrust regulation. Biden devoted much of his speech last night to this agenda. He claimed to have rebuilt "the backbone of the middle class." He said, "We finally beat big Pharma," and "Wall Street didn't build America, the middle class built America." When the crowd chanted, "Union Joe," he replied, "I agree. I'm proud." These economic policies are largely popular even though Biden is not. If the Democratic Party's shift away from neoliberalism — toward what I've called neopopulism — continues, Biden's presidency will be a major reason. And Harris's initial economic proposals suggest that much of the shift will continue if she wins.
2. Bipartisanship livesBiden loves to talk about how he has proved his doubters wrong, sometimes with a dash or two of hyperbole. Yet there is at least one aspect of his presidency for which he deserves to gloat: his surprising success at passing bipartisan legislation. He has signed bipartisan bills on infrastructure, semiconductor chips, Ukraine aid and TikTok — as well as on anti-Asian hate crimes, the aviation system, the electoral process, gun violence, the Postal Service, same-sex marriage and veterans' health. In a polarized Washington, Biden has demonstrated that bipartisanship remains possible. "Remember, we were told we couldn't get it done?" he asked in last night's speech. He drew on his long Senate career to help pass these bills. He refused to treat the Republican Party as the enemy and remained upbeat — and often in the background — even when negotiations stalled. Would Harris show similar patience? And would congressional Republicans be willing to work with her? It's hard to know. 3. A new cold warBiden's signature line about foreign policy is that the world is witnessing a struggle between democracy and autocracy. You can quibble with the details, but his basic point is correct. U.S. allies are mostly democracies — including Western Europe, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, India, Australia, Mexico and Canada. The countries that treat the U.S. as an enemy are autocracies — China, Russia, Iran and North Korea. Increasingly, these autocracies are collaborating with one another. Biden has defined the United States as the leading player in an alliance to combat autocracy. "Who can lead the world other than the United States of America?" he asked last night. As president, he confronted China economically and promised to defend Taiwan. He rallied a pro-Ukraine coalition after Russia invaded. He withdrew from Afghanistan — chaotically — partly because of its limited strategic importance. He abandoned his initial reluctance to work with Saudi Arabia, an autocratic ally, and embraced it as a counterweight to Iran. He continued to embrace Israel for similar reasons, despite the death and destruction in Gaza. Biden's foreign policy is based on the idea that the world has entered a new cold war (even if he rejects the term). And Harris? Her campaign has said little about foreign policy or her worldview. Maybe that will start to change in Chicago this week.
More on the convention
More on the campaign
Israel-Hamas War
War in Ukraine
More International News
Other Big Stories
Opinions Times Opinion columnists picked their best and worst moments of the first day of the Democratic National Convention. Trump got overconfident while Biden was still running — and now he's chasing his losses, Nate Silver writes. Here is a column by Paul Krugman on Harris's economic platform. Subscribe Today The Morning highlights a small portion of the journalism that The New York Times offers. To access all of it, become a subscriber with this introductory offer.
Bootmobile: Riding shotgun through New England inside a giant L.L. Bean boot. Energy: Coal power defined this Minnesota town. Can solar win it over? Animal welfare: The last horse-drawn carriage operator in Brussels has gone electric. Solid start: More parents are giving their babies solid food that they feed to themselves in place of spoon-feeding. Lives Lived: The chef Michel Guérard's efforts to lose weight, and his disgust with traditional diet dishes, inspired him to develop what he called "cuisine minceur" — a low-fat, no-sugar application of nouvelle cuisine. He died at 91.
M.L.B.: Austin Riley, the Atlanta Braves' star third baseman, is expected to miss six to eight weeks with a fractured hand. N.F.L.: The Miami Dolphins quarterback Tua Tagovailoa spoke about playing under the team's former coach Brian Flores, describing him as a negative presence who told him he "shouldn't be here."
It has been a year since the British Museum fired a curator for stealing artifacts from its storerooms and selling them online. While a police investigation continues, the institution has appointed a team of eight, each person focusing on a different area, to help recover around 1,500 stolen artifacts. They're trawling the internet, public auctions and the collections of other museums. A Times reporter, Alex Marshall, spoke to the recovery team. More on culture
Roast soft and deliciously spiced rounds of eggplant. Save money when cooking for one. Try rødgrød med fløde, a berry pudding that tastes like summer in Denmark. Preserve summer produce with a great food dehydrator. Clean your headphones.
Here is today's Spelling Bee. Yesterday's pangram was atrophy. And here are today's Mini Crossword, Wordle, Sudoku, Connections and Strands. Thanks for spending part of your morning with The Times. See you tomorrow. —David P.S. A group of Times colleagues has been meeting to read and discuss Emily Wilson's translation of the "Iliad." As Wilson tweeted, "Ancient epics are fun to talk about!" Sign up here to get this newsletter in your inbox. Reach our team at themorning@nytimes.com.
|
2024/08/20
The Morning: How Biden changed his party
Subscribe to:
Post Comments (Atom)
No comments:
Post a Comment
Keep a civil tongue.